So far, we’ve heard from marketers, business leaders, and sales experts—people driving solar adoption from the front lines. But behind the scenes, another battle has been playing out. One that’s quieter, slower, and, in many ways, harder to win: policy.

Because it doesn’t matter how good your product is, how compelling your offer, or how passionate your team—if the policy shifts, everything can change overnight.

That’s why I wanted to talk to someone who’s been in the fight for decades. Bernadette Del Chiaro is the Senior Vice President, California, at the Environmental Working Group and one of the most influential voices in clean energy policy today.

Before joining EWG in 2025, she spent nearly 12 years as Executive Director of the California Solar & Storage Association, leading the rooftop solar industry through some of its most defining policy battles. Prior to that, she held key leadership roles at Environment America and Environment California, where she spearheaded clean energy and global warming programs throughout the Western U.S., including sponsoring California’s Million Solar Roofs Initiative.

Bernadette has worked at the intersection of clean energy, public education, and political strategy for more than three decades. She knows how the game is played—and what it takes to win.

In this interview, we go back to the beginning—how rooftop solar policy first took shape in California, the pivotal battles around NEM 2.0 and 3.0, and how utilities have strategically reframed the equity narrative along the way. We also unpack where we are now, what’s at stake, and what solar companies must do to defend—and grow—the future of distributed energy.

Anna: Bernadette, how did your career in rooftop solar begin?

Bernadette: Rooftop solar policy has been my primary focus for over 20 years. But before that, I got my start tackling some of the dirtiest issues in energy—coal-fired power plants in New England and nuclear waste in California. I later shifted into public health and energy work, eventually returning to my home state of California in the early 2000s.

That’s when I joined Environment California—a citizen-funded offshoot of the PIRGs—where I had the opportunity to build a public interest energy program from the ground up. It was an incredible amount of freedom, but it came with a guiding principle: everything we did had to pass the “front porch” test. Could you knock on someone’s door, say, “Hi, I’m working on [this issue],” and have 80% of people say, “Yeah, I’m with you”? If the answer was yes, we knew it was something we could organize around, engage people further on, and build real momentum—including grassroots donations. 

Anna: So what passed the test?

Bernadette: Rooftop solar. No question. Everyone supported it. But here’s the crazy part—when I surveyed the energy policy landscape in 2002, nobody was working on rooftop solar at the state level. Environmental groups were focused on energy efficiency, renewables portfolio standards, and geothermal—noble goals, but rooftop solar was getting ignored. Except for Vote Solar’s ballot measure in San Francisco, it was a policy vacuum.

We decided to fill that void.

We looked abroad—Japan was light-years ahead. They had Sharp and Mitsubishi, and they were mandating solar on every new home. It wasn’t just an energy policy; it was part of their building code. That blew our minds. We thought, why not here?

Anna: And that’s when the first rooftop mandate bill came into play?

Bernadette: Exactly. State Senator Kevin Murray called us out of the blue—he had a “bee in his bonnet” that California wasn’t doing enough with solar. He asked, “Do you have any bill ideas?” Oh boy, did we.

We proposed a bill to mandate rooftop solar on all new construction. It made headlines across the state. Even Rush Limbaugh mentioned it on national radio. And while he mocked my name and job title, even he ended the segment saying, “This actually makes a lot of sense… we’re probably just not ready yet.”

When Rush Limbaugh says your idea makes sense, you know you’ve tapped into something bipartisan.

Anna: But the bill didn’t pass?

Bernadette: Not yet. The building industry came out swinging and killed it in Appropriations within a month. But because of all that press, it caught the attention of Arnold Schwarzenegger—who was running for governor during the Gray Davis recall. His campaign added “Build with Solar” to his platform.

When he won, we thought, “Amazing! We’re in!” But we couldn’t even get a call back. For six months, we were in political purgatory.

Anna: What changed?

Bernadette: Guerrilla advocacy. This was pre-social media, so we got creative. Californians took Polaroid photos holding signs that read “Keep Your Promise, Build with Solar.” We printed them and delivered them like a visual petition. We also got cardboard cutouts of the Terminator, dressed them up in suits, and had people pose with them in Lodi, San Diego, the Bay Area—you name it.

The tipping point? We raised just enough money to place a quarter-page ad in the LA Times—designed by a local artist—depicting Arnold as a superhero with the caption: “Governor, Be a Hero. Keep Your Promise.”

Luckily, the ad landed on his breakfast table. Soon after, he’d called an emergency meeting, slammed his fist down, and told his team, “You don’t understand. I want solar. Get to work.” And just like that, the sun started to shine a little brighter on California.

Anna: That’s incredible.

Bernadette: It was, until we ran into partisan politics. PG&E and their affiliated IBEW union ramped up opposition. Democrats controlled the legislature and didn’t want to give a Republican governor a win—even if it was bipartisan and wildly popular.

So the bill died again. But we regrouped.

Anna: Is that when the Million Solar Roofs initiative began?

Bernadette: Yes. We reframed the bill around incentives instead of mandates. SB1 included three pillars: 1) enough money for a million solar roofs, 2) a major expansion of net metering beyond the 1995 cap, and 3) voluntary solar integration into new home construction—with rebates to builders and consumers.

Eventually, builders realized it was a massive selling point. We had the coalition: community groups, builders, and the governor’s support. But the legislature still let the clock run out on the vote.

Anna: So how did you finally get it passed?

Bernadette: Arnold bypassed the legislature. He directed the California Public Utilities Commission (CPUC), which back then was at least willing to be pro-rooftop solar, to create a $3 billion incentive program funded by a ratepayer surcharge. Once the CPUC acted, we went back in 2006 with SB1 to cap the program and formally embed it into law. That whole saga took four years.

But it worked. And it launched the modern rooftop solar era in California.

Anna: When did the backlash begin?

Bernadette: Around 2010, when rooftop solar became accessible to working-class families. SolarCity and Sungevity started gaining traction. Solar was scaling.

The utilities panicked.

In 2012, they enlisted a former Edison Electric executive turned legislator to declare the now-infamous “cost shift.” They claimed rooftop solar users were shifting grid costs to everyone else. It was their way of manufacturing a villain.

Anna: And that led to NEM 2.0?

Bernadette: First came AB 327 in 2013. Ironically, the legislature went on record in support of rooftop solar and net metering. They even made a point to strip out the phrase “cost shift” from the bill—which is important legally, because it shows clear legislative intent to protect distributed solar.

But once the bill passed, the California Public Utilities Commission (CPUC) took the reins. And in 2016, NEM 2.0 was born. It gave the industry about a 20% haircut—lower export values, added interconnection fees, and more paperwork. It wasn’t a win, but, thanks to the support of then-Governor Jerry Brown, it wasn’t a death sentence either.

At first, the industry was frustrated but relieved—it could’ve been worse. Installers adjusted. Business models evolved. Batteries started becoming a bigger part of the conversation. We proved we could adapt. And we rebounded.

But what we didn’t realize was that NEM 2.0 wasn’t the end—it was just the beginning. Behind the scenes, utilities were laying the groundwork for a much more aggressive campaign. They felt they had lost with the NEM 2.0 decision, and they decided to get serious about taking down their greatest competition.

Anna: What happened in 2017?

Bernadette: The utilities went all-in. They hired a national PR firm to craft a full-scale campaign to take down rooftop solar. I’ve seen the 20-page slide deck—it’s brutal. They called rooftop solar “untouchable,” said utilities looked like dinosaurs, and instructed them: “Be for utility-scale and against rooftop.” The PR firm offered to crisscross the county promoting the virtues of one type of solar energy—utility scale—and defaming another type—rooftop solar. 

Then we started seeing groups like NRDC and TURN take a stand against rooftop solar. These groups had never fully embraced the rooftop movement—but now, they were actively aligning with utility narratives. Their argument was framed around affordability and grid equity, but in reality, it echoed utility talking points almost word for word. That shift gave the utilities political cover. Suddenly, it wasn’t just profit-driven companies pushing back on rooftop solar—it was so-called environmental and consumer advocates too.

Then came the George Floyd movement. The utilities twisted the equity narrative to claim rooftop solar was a burden on Black and low-income communities. They literally invoked Black Lives Matter imagery to attack solar. It was manipulative and disingenuous—using the language of justice to push a corporate agenda.

Anna: Wow, that’s shocking. What kind of response did you see from the governor’s office?

Bernadette: At this point, California is being led by Gavin Newsom, who took millions from PG&E and their labor allies during the recall fight. Since then, it’s been cozy. PG&E is San Francisco old money. He’s been prioritizing their interests ever since.

Now we’re in a world where the cost shift myth is gospel. It’s like people believing the earth is flat. You can’t reason with them.

Anna: But solar is still here.

Bernadette: Absolutely. They didn’t kill it in the ’80s. They won’t kill it now. Electricity is essential. The technology is too good. A stigma? Nonexistent. Rooftop solar polls equally well across age, race, and political affiliation.

But this bad public policy can absolutely slow us down, cost us jobs and businesses, and hurt consumers. Bad policy can make it harder and more expensive to reach the people who need it most—teachers, firefighters, and working families.

Anna: Tell us about the “fixed charge” and so-called “solar tax.”

Bernadette: During the NEM 3.0 fight, the state proposed charging solar users for electricity they don’t buy from the grid. It’s absurd. Since 2021, that idea has kept showing up in various state policy decisions.

After we beat that proposal, the utilities came back with a new one: an income-graduated fixed charge—a monthly solar tax based on how much money you make. It was wildly out of touch. People were like, “Wait… you want my tax returns—for PG&E?” Even wealthy homeowners pushed back—especially since the richest Californians don’t take salaries. That idea was scrapped, but a $24/month charge was approved as a compromise. PG&E had pushed for $75+—and they’re still not letting it go.

Anna: So what’s next?

Bernadette: Right now, at the Environmental Working Group, I’m part of the lawsuit challenging NEM 3.0. We were in court two weeks ago, June 4, 2025. We’re waiting on a decision from the California Supreme Court.

They could 1) reject the case entirely, 2) agree the courts have authority over the PUC but kick it to a lower court to decide if the CPUC followed the law or not, or 3) rule in our favor and force the CPUC to start over. We’re hopeful they’ll at least confirm the PUC isn’t above judicial review.

Anna: And what can solar companies do?

Bernadette: Don’t just join your trade group—fund it. Right now, most of the advocacy burden is carried by a handful of small businesses that dig deep into their own pockets to keep the fight alive, while many of the largest manufacturers, financiers, and distributors reap the rewards without showing up. That has to change. If you benefit from rooftop solar, you need to reinvest in protecting it.

And don’t underestimate the power of the people. Engage your customers. Rooftop solar is like owning a gun—once people have it, they’re fiercely protective. That kind of passion is a political asset. Think about the NRA. The gun lobby turned its customers into its greatest weapon—mobilizing them, activating them, and making them the face of the movement. Our industry should be doing the same. Every solar homeowner is a potential advocate. We just haven’t organized them enough. The California-based Solar Rights Alliance is that organization. Everyone should be supportive and involved.

Anna: You mentioned media and pop culture—where’s Solar? I practically jumped out of my seat in Minions 4 when Dru showed up as a solar panel salesman. We need so much more of that!

Bernadette: Exactly. Where’s our Got Milk? campaign? Where’s our solar panel in the background of a Marvel movie? There are entire agencies dedicated to product placement in TV and film, and yet our industry largely ignores that space. Why? We act like solar sells itself. It doesn’t, not when you have some of the most well-heeled political opponents blocking your every move.

We’re in a battle for public opinion and policy survival—and pretending we’re not is costing us. We need to be culturally visible, emotionally resonant, strategically loud, and just plain well-funded. The fossil fuel industry gets this. The gun lobby gets this. It’s time solar did too.

Anna: The real fight isn’t happening in Washington—it’s happening in utility commission hearings, state legislatures, and neighborhood by neighborhood. For anyone listening who thinks this doesn’t affect them—what would you say?

Bernadette: I’d say, look around. If you care about having control over your own energy, if you want cleaner air, lower bills, and a livable future—this affects you. These aren’t abstract policy debates. They’re decisions about whether your kids will grow up in a world powered by fossil fuels or freedom.

And the truth is, the people shaping these decisions aren’t always in D.C. They’re in your state capitol. Your city council. Your utility’s boardroom. That’s where the future of rooftop solar is being decided—often quietly, often without the public in the room.

So yes, the fight is local. It’s personal. And it’s winnable—but only if we show up.